![]() |
| News | Policy initiatives | Acidification & Eutrophication | Air quality | Climate Change| Publications | Events | Links | The Secretariat | ||
|
|
Cover illustration © Lars-Erik Håkansson (Lehån)
Main articles in brief Editorial: Get on with it! Bunker fuels: Sulphur restrictions underway Climate negotiations: The quest for equity Environmental performance disappointing Signs of recovery now starting Rapid ecomic growth may lead to doubling of emissions Environmentalists rage over Bush's "Clear Skies" plan Experts outline global motor vehicle policy
EDITORIAL Get on with it! This summer the EU Commission is to present a Community Strategy on Air
Pollution from Seagoing Ships. And there is much to be said for such a
strategy. Emissions from sources on land have gone down, and are likely to
continue to do so, while those from shipping are showing a steady rise.
Shipping will thus be contributing ever more to the damage to health and
the environment from air pollution. In order to achieve agreed eu aims for environmental quality, measures leading to a marked decrease in
the emissions from shipping will be a clear necessity. And, as has been
shown in several studies, they would moreover be cost effective. For
many years shipping has been regarded as a sort of free zone, exempt from
modern environmental restraints - the excuse usually being that shipping
is an international business, needing global agreement if it is to be
subject to rules in regard to the environment. Discussion
of the problem was however started towards the end of the eighties within
the International Maritime Organization, a un
body, and agreement was finally reached in 1997 on an air pollution annex
to its marpol Convention. as
might have been expected, this turned out to be a very feeble
document. Yet despite its timid requirements, it has still only been
ratified by five countries, and only by Sweden in the eu.
It is therefore highly uncertain when, if ever, it will come into force. The
Commission has recently held two consultation meetings with the member and
candidate countries, as well as representatives of some of the affected
business interests and environmentalist organizations, in order to try and
find a basis for an eu
strategy in regard to air pollution from shipping. (See
article.) It has been interesting to observe the reactions
of the actors in the process to the fact that the Commission has at last
decided to take the matter up. Almost
all the member countries had said they were in favour of marpol Annex VI and considered that the EU should avoid
asking for any stricter requirements than those already contained in it
- despite the fact that many of them were agreed that its requirements
for nox could and should be
tightened up. That is of course an evasive and hypocritical attitude,
seeing that the members have in any case not ratified the annex even after
four years. Representatives of the shipping and oil industries expressed
scepticism in almost all respects to any new eu
initiative in the matter, and often absolute rejection. It
is surprising, to say the least, that neither the member countries nor the
shipping industry seem to have realized that up-to-date environmental
standards will be essential for the industry's future competitiveness
and development. Ships have many environmental advantages over other modes
of transportation. Their fuel consumption is lower, they have no problems
with such things as noise and congestion, and have much less need for
investment in infrastructure than either road or rail transportation. But
ships can make no claim to environmental respectability so long as they go
on polluting the air with their great emissions of sulphur and nitrogen
oxides. It must be quite evident, after ten years, that efforts to get to grips with the emissions from shipping on a global basis will yield little in the way of results. To get emissions down within a reasonable time, as well as to put pressure on the global negotiating machinery, moves will have to be made both at the national and eu level. The first step must be to get legally binding eu rules to set minimum emission standards. And to bring about sufficiently large reductions more quickly, economic instruments, such as environmentally differentiated charges, will be needed to supplement those rules. Christer Ågren Sulphur restrictions underwayAt
a consultation meeting in Brussels on April 15, the EU Commission made
known its intention of proposing a limit to the sulphur content of marine
fuel (bunker oils). The proposal, which would amount to a modification of
the 1999/32 directive on the sulphur content of
liquid fuels, is to be considered as part of its Community strategy
on air pollution from seagoing ships that was announced in January1,
and is expected to be
presented during the summer. The
aims of the measures that the Commission outlined in April are: 1.
To reduce the overall emissions in the so-called SECAs (SOx Emission
Control Areas - the North and Baltic Seas) as well as in all EU port
areas. 2.
To establish a regulatory regime with which all seagoing ships will be
able to comply by using only two different fuels. 3.
To ensure that fuels complying with EU standards will be available in all
EU ports. Among
the means for achieving these aims are the following, all of which are to
be written into directive 1999/32:
– Member states bordering on the secas of the North and Baltic Seas must
ensure that only marine fuels with a sulphur content of less than 1.5 per
cent are used in their territorial waters, and possibly also, if
applicable, in their exclusive economic zones. This shall apply to all
vessels of all flags, either from the date of the
marpoL Annex VI coming into force or from January 1, 2005,
whichever is the earlier. –
Only fuels with less than 0.2 per cent sulphur may be used in inland
waterways and eu port areas. (It is suggested that the latter should be
defined as extending from the "outer limit of territorial sea to the
quayside.") –
By 2005 member states must ensure that all marine gas oil sold in their
territories shall have less than 0.2 per cent sulphur. (A change in the
definition of gas oils is suggested, so as to exclude the so-called DMB
and DMC grades.) At
the time of making these preliminary proposals the Commission had no clear
information as to what they might lead to in the way of reduced emissions.
But more information will be forthcoming anytime now as a result of two
fresh studies by outside consultants. Christer
Ågren 1. Article 12 of directive 2001/81, on national emission ceilings for certain air pollutants, obliges the Commission to specify a program of actions aimed at reducing the emissions from international maritime traffic before the end of 2002. A discussion paper issued by the Commission, together with responses from member countries and stakeholders, can be found on the Commission's website.
The quest for equityWhen
negotiations on climate get going as to what is to follow after the
commitments of the Kyoto protocol have been fulfilled, the term
"equity" will undoubtedly surface - how the burden of bringing down
the emissions of greenhouse gases is to be distributed fairly among the
nations. There
is still no certainty that the protocol will have come into force when the
parties to the climate convention start their next meeting (cop8) in New Delhi on October 23. But however that may be, it can safely be assumed that they
will have to begin considering what is to happen after 2012, when each
country is supposed to have fulfilled its commitments under the protocol. One
possibility is that starting out from the protocol they will continue to
squabble about objectives for emissions, entering on a political
tug-of-war with no clear principles for the setting of national emission
ceilings. But a much stronger demand is now likely to be raised for
definite commitments on the part of the developing countries - for which
the US, Australia, and other countries in the so-called umbrella group had
been pressing during the Kyoto talks. It
is evident from a simple calculation that no matter which paths
negotiations may take, a worldwide climate catastrophe cannot be avoided
solely by clamping down on emissions from the industrialized countries,
despite their being responsible for by far the greater part of the total.
The trouble is that the developing countries are currently increasing
their emissions of greenhouse gases at a rate of 4.6 per cent a year, and
if the trend continues they will have overtaken the industrialized nations
within a relatively short time. It will only be a matter of decades;
globally, the emissions of carbon dioxide will go on increasing even if
the industrialized countries should manage to achieve far greater
reductions than are required of them under the Kyoto protocol. Nevertheless
it is most unlikely that the developing countries in the g77
group will be ready to enter negotiations for the setting of definite
ceilings unless there is some basic agreement as to the principles by
which the distribution of reductions is to be arranged. They argue, for
instance, that it is the historical emissions of the industrialized
countries that make them so largely responsible for the present situation,
and that the present per-capita emissions of those countries are usually
far, far greater than in most of the developing countries. Ceilings that
would prevent or delay attainment of living standards comparable to those
of the industrialized countries would, they maintain, be inequitable. As
Anil Agarwal and Sunitas Narain ask in Global warming in an unequal world,
"Can we really equate the carbon dioxide contributions of gas-guzzling
automobiles in Europe and North America or, for that matter, anywhere in
the Third World, with the methane emissions of draught cattle and rice
fields of subsistence farmers in West Bengal or Thailand? Do these people
not have a right to live?" References
to equity will be inevitable during the negotiations. The idea is in any
case not new. It had already turned up in the climate convention itself,
where Article 3.1 reads: "The Parties should protect the climate system
for the benefit of present and future generations of humankind, on the
basis of equity and in accordance with their common but differentiated
responsibilities and respective capabilities." It appears, too, in the
Kyoto protocol. What
it can actually mean has already been much discussed. Is it to be
interpreted as equity in the course of time - meaning equitable burden
sharing between generations - or equity among individuals, with every
person on earth assuming his share? Not even the most obvious
interpretation - equity between nations (which would also be the most
practical for negotiations) - can easily be translated into operational
terms. Most
of the proposed models for equity assume a global emission budget, setting
a total allowance for man-made emissions of greenhouse gases to the
atmosphere, with inputs according to the principles on which that total is
to be divided both over time and between nations. Two of the three models
presented here follow that
line, while a third, the Brazilian, proceeds from simpler assumptions. Roger
Olsson For this article the writer has drawn largely on the report by Harri Lammi and Oras Tynkkynen, entitled "The Whole Climate," published by Friends of the Earth Finland, 2001.
EQUITY, PROPOSAL 1: Fair shares
First
coined by Friends of the Earth, the term "environmental space" implies
the amount of natural resources that each individual can consume without
causing permanent damage to the environment. In the case of climate it
means the amount of greenhouse gases that can be let out without giving
rise to more damage than they have caused already. On the basis of the IPCC's call for a reduction of 60-80 per cent in global emissions, and present world population, it could roughly be put at 0.8-1.6 tons of CO2 per capita per annum. As world population continues to grow, that figure will of course gradually have to be lowered, and if effects such as those arising from deforestation are also taken into account, shrunk still further. The environmental space for carbon dioxide concentrations in the atmosphere, given certain aims, has been calculated at the Centre for Science and Environment in India (CSE), see table. Table 3. Emission budgets and per capita entitlements for different atmospheric targets. Data from IPCC. The per capita entitlements assume a fixed world population of six billion. MTC = million tons of carbon. (From Agarwal, Narain & Shama 1999).
Allowing
everybody the same per-capita emissions is a clear and simple way of
applying the principle of equity - especially as the climate is a global
resource that belongs to all and all are dependent on it. It sweeps
automatically away the divide between countries that have limits set to
their emissions and those that do not. It can moreover easily be combined
with a system for trading in emission permits. The
CSE has adumbrated various schemes for bringing the concept of
environmental space into the climate negotiations. One would be to ignore
calculations concerning any possible environmental space and set instead a
global per-capita quota which could gradually be reduced until it had
reached an acceptable level in regard to sustainability. The Indian
institute calls this "moving entitlements" -
the idea being that it is more important to move ahead in the right
direction than to specify the final figure. But no matter which way is
chosen, and what the objective, it will obviously take considerable time
before the same per-capita figure has been attained in every country. Latest
figures (1997) for per capita
CO2
emissions from fuel
combustion in relation to the availble environmental space for some of the
world's most populous countries. (EIA 1999.)
EQUITY, PROPOSAL 2: The Brazilian model
The
Brazilian model for the attainment of equity in dealing with the
climate problem was first presented just prior to the Kyoto meeting in
1997. It was followed by a more developed version in 1999, proposing that
the industrialized countries should reduce their emissions of the chief
greenhouse gases - carbon dioxide, methane, and nitrous oxide - by 30
per cent by 2020, from 1990, as a group. The burden was to be distributed
according to the countries cumulative contributions to the rise in global
temperature, starting as far back as 1840 but also taking into account any
carbon sinks. Each country's climate debt would be its total emissions
of carbon dioxide minus the amounts fixed in man-made sinks. The
countries that had been the first to industrialize would thus have
accumulated large climate debts and so brought upon themselves claims for
a big reduction of their emissions. The uk
would, for example, have to have brought down its emissions of
carbon dioxide by 63 per cent by 2020, but Italy only by 10 per cent. The
Brazilian model makes use of the division of the world's countries into
the Annex 1 and non-Annex 1 ones of the climate convention, where only the
Annex 1 (industrialized) countries are subject to bin-ding commitments to
cut down emissions. Various criteria and methods have been discussed as to
the way further countries might be brought into the Annex 1 group,
possibly by setting a threshold in the form of per capita income. But
calculations made by the Dutch National Institute of Public Health and
Environment show that it would have to be put very low. Even if the
developing countries were pulled in when their per-capita income was 10
per cent of that of the Annex 1 countries, the latter would still have to
go on reducing their emissions at a rate of 10 per cent per annum. The
Brazilian proposal is appealing on account of its basic idea: the greater a country's guilt for the
present situation, the greater its responsibility for clearing it up. But
it has been criticized for taking too litt-le consideration of the great
differences in emissions. Is it reasonable, for instance that the uk, with a per capita figure of 10 tons of co2
per annum, should have to reduce by 60 per cent, while the us,
with double that amount, should
get away with little more than 20 per cent? The
data used to arrive at the historical climate debt has also been
questioned, consisting as it often does of very rough
extrapolations. There are for instance some studies indicating that
Britain's emissions in the nineteenth century were not even half of the
figure assumed by the Brazilians. Table
4. Emission reduction targets for the fifteen EU countries and a selection
of others in the Brazilian proposal.
Contraction and
convergence
This
is an application of the environmental space approach that has been
developed by the Global Commons Institute (GCI) in England. Assuming that
the end aim will be to allow the concentrations of carbon dioxide in the
atmosphere to rise to 450 ppmv at the most, a global CO2 budget
would yield a space for anthropogenic emissions equal to 630-650 gigatons
of coal. But with deforestation taken into account, it would be no more
than 295-315 gigatons. In
order to keep within that budget, emissions would have to be gradually
reduced to the point where output and capture of carbon dioxide balance
each other. That is the contraction part of the model. The GCI proposes
stepwise reductions up to the target year. While they should not be set
unrealistically high for the initial stages, if the reductions then turn
out to have been too slow it will be necessary to bring about
"negative" emissions (less than is being taken up by sinks) towards
the end of the period. A reduction of altogether 60 per cent will be
needed if the budget is to be met. According
to the GCI model, by 2045 every country should be emitting the same amount
per capita. Here we have convergence. It means that the industrialized
countries, with their present high per-capita emissions, will have to make
hefty reductions, while the developing ones will be able to go on
increasing their emissions. Although the assumption is that convergence
will take place exponentially, the model also allows for linear
convergence. Reductions will have to continue even after all countries
have got down to the same per-capita level, but then at the same rate for
all. The
GCI argues that there can be no solution to the climate crisis without
these two key elements: contraction and convergence. If a catastrophic
change in climate is to be avoided, the developing countries will also
have to accept reduction targets - which means that there must be a model
for burden sharing that is not inherently inequitable. It may of course be a question whether a solution requiring the industrialized countries to reduce their emissions of greenhouse gases by up to 80 per cent, together with calls for commitments on the part of the developing countries to reduce theirs within a relatively short time, will have any chance of being politically acceptable. But the answer may already have been given. The contraction-and-convergence model has surfaced several times at international meetings and found support in many quarters, including India, China, and the European parliament. But so far the backing has been insufficient for it to be taken up seriously in the climate negotiations.
Contraction and convergence to 450 ppmv. (GCI 1997)
Environmental
performance disappointing
Unlike
most of the countries of western Europe, by the end of the 90's
Portugal had still not decoupled its emissions of pollutants from
economic growth. As appears from a fresh environmental performance review
published by the oecd at the end of last year, whereas European emissions
of sulphur dioxide and nitrogen oxides were decreasing during that decade,
Portugal's were increasing. The OECD reviews cover a wide range of
issues, but here only air pollution will he considered. Between
1990 and 1998 Portuguese emissions of SO2, NOx, and VOCs
increased by 4, 17, and 27 per cent. A common indicator for expressing
environmental efficiency is emission intensity, which is usually
calculated as the ratio between emissions and economic output - expressed
for instance as kilograms per thousand dollars of GDP, gross domestic
product. High values indicate bad performance. By the end of the 90's
Portugal's emissions intensities for SO2 and NOx were 40 - 50
per cent higher than the OECD average for Europe. Although
emissions have been increasing, monitoring has revealed some progress in
lowering ambient levels of SO2 and NO2 in major
cities such as Lisbon and Porto. The concentrations of these pollutants
have however continued to increase in some industrialized areas, and
according to the oecd the downward trend for NO2
was likely to have ceased or even become reversed in major cities in 2000. Elevated
concentrations of ground-level ozone are common in Portugal, often
exceeding eu information values for the protection of health. The
frequency and severity of ozone episodes suggest - in the OECD analysis
- a need to limit the precursors, NOx and VOCs. Studies
relating ambient air-quality
levels to health damage are lacking in Portugal. But if the current trend
with rising concentrations continues - particularly of ground-level ozone
and fine particles - such
studies will, in the view of the OECD, be essential for evaluating the
exposure risks and the measures that will be necessary for protecting the
population. Portugal
is one of the parties to the 1979 Convention on Long-Range Transboundary
Air Pollution (CLTRAP) to which seven binding protocols for reducing
emissions have been added
since its coming into force in 1983,
and although Portugal has signed four of these, it stands out as
the only EU member country that has (so far) not ratified any of them. Portugal
has signed the 1999 Gothenburg protocol, and in order to meet its
commitments under that protocol it will need to reduce its emissions of SO2,
NOx, and VOCs by 57, 32, and 63 per cent, respectively, by 2010 from their
1998 levels. And to achieve the reductions required in the recently
adopted. EU directive on national ceilings (the NEC directive) it will
have to cut down emissions still further. It
can hardly be a matter of surprise that one of the recommendations in the
OECD report is that Portugal should take further measures to reduce
emissions of SO2,
NOx and VOCs. These should include the development of
energy-efficiency programs, improvements in fuel quality, a further
development of public transport, and
a strengthening of the guidance function of environmentally related taxes
affecting transportation. Moreover,
air-quality monitoring should be expanded, and programs for the management
of air quality in major cities should be set up or improved. Christer
Ågren 1. Environmental performance reviews: Portugal (2001). Published by and available from the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), 2, rue André-Pascal, 75775 Paris Cedex 16, France.
Signs of recovery
now starting
There
is starting to be clear evidence that the reduction of the emissions of
air pollutants in Europe is having an effect. A report for the UK , made
by the National Expert Group on Transboundary Air Pollution1,
shows for instance that ecosystems damaged by acid rain are now beginning
to recover. Considerable remaining problems - concerning ground-level
ozone and terrestrial eutrophication in particular - will however
require further cut-downs of emissions for their solution. The
Group's 300 page report is a solid and exhaustive compendium of
present-day knowledge in regard to acidifying, ozone-forming, and
eu-trophying air pollutants. Emissions, concentrations, depositions, and
environmental effects are all
treated in detail, as are computer modelling and the mapping of areas with
critical loads. It
sets off by confirming that emissions of sulphur dioxide (SO2),
both in Britain and Europe as a whole, have fallen away markedly in recent
decades. Since 1990 those of nitrogen oxides (NOx), volatile organic
compound (VOCs), and ammonia (NH3) are also reported as having
gone down and as being expected to continue
to do so during the next ten years in consequence of international
agreements and the directive on national ceilings for emissions. Depositions
of sulphur have become more than halved since 1986 as a result of
emissions having been reduced, with a similar decrease in rainfall
acidity. Whereas there was a very large decline in depositions and
concentrations of sulphur in the central and eastern parts of the country,
few reductions could be detected at west-coast sites - one reason being
that the western side is exposed to sulphur pollution from international
shipping and North American emissions. Between 1986 and 1997 us emissions
had changed very little, only going down by 12 per cent. But what is more
important is that those from North Atlantic shipping have shown a
substantial increase in consequence of increases both in traffic and the
sulphur content of marine fuel. No comparative trends can be seen for nitrogen pollutants. Concentrations and depositions of oxidized nitrogen compounds (originating from nox emissions) do indeed appear to have fallen by 10-20 per cent during the 90s, but no significant changes have been recorded for the reduced kind (coming from emissions of ammonia).
Potential aicidification by N and S (circles) and concentration of H+ (acidity) in UK rainfall (maps) 1986 and 1997.
While
the total deposition of potentially acidifying pollutants has been
declining as a result of lower sulphur deposition, the relative
contribution of nitrogen has been increasing so as to substantially exceed
that of sulphur. While the total nitrogen deposition averages 17 kg per
hectare a year, on forest soils it is reckoned to be 33 kg/ha. Reduced
nitrogen dominates the input, averaging two-thirds of the total. Nitrogen
deposition is especially high in uplands exposed to frequent hill cloud in
the polluted regions of the country, where it may be more than 50 kg/ha. Like
the Scandinavian countries, the UK has large areas of acid-sensitive
soils, where widespread acidification has occurred all through the last
century, and despite the reduced deposition there is as yet little
evidence of recovery. Soil
recovery is expressed in terms of base saturation, which is dependent on
the supply of base cations from weathering and atmospheric inputs. Such
recovery is expected to take a very long time, probably decades, even
under assumptions of stringent reductions of depositions. Some upland
soils are unlikely ever to be able to recover their pre-industrial status. Records
of lake sediments show the acidification of freshwaters to have become
widespread all over uk
uplands since the 1850s, with major damage to biodiversity. In Wales alone
more than 12,000 of the 24,000 km of river have been affected, with
serious consequences to plant and animal life. But in contrast to the
situation for soil, here there is clear evidence of changes in water
chemistry, indicating a start of recovery from acidification in most areas
since the 1970s. There are also some signs of biological recovery, albeit
modest and restricted to a small number of locations. Decreases
in SO2
concentrations over the past two or three decades have had marked positive
effects on vegetation, with substantial increases, for instance, in the
distribution of many lichen species. It says in the report that the main
threats to vegetation come from nitrogen deposition and ozone. There is
evidence of change due to nitrogen in semi-natural plant communities, seen
for instance as reductions in diversity, especially in nutrient-poor
habitats. Summer concentrations of ozone reach values that also pose a
threat to the health and productivity of semi-natural plants and farm
crops in the UK. There
are no signs of recovery whatsoever, either chemical or biological, from
the eutrophying effects of nitrogen deposition, and recovery is expected
to be very slow even after deposition
has been reduced sufficiently to allow it to begin. In
general, the change in the pollution climate in the UK during the last two
decades has been similar to that observed elsewhere in Europe - from
domination by sulphur to domination by nitrogen compounds and ozone.
Commitments by the uk and other countries to go on reducing their
emissions over the coming decade will not however suffice to solve the
problems - as can be seen from projections for the situation in 2010,
based on the commitments of the 1999 Gothenburg protocol to the Convention
on Long-Range Transboundary Air Pollution. The
most recent data on the exceeding of critical loads for acidification in
the UK show the situation as it was in 1997, when 71 per cent of the
sensitive ecosystems were estimated to be exposed to depositions in excess
of such loads.That figure is expected to decline to 46 per cent by 2010.
See table below.
Using
a grid with 1x1 km squares, the critical loads for eutrophication were
estimated to have been exceeded in 1997 in 25 per cent of the squares
where there was sensitive grassland, and in 55 per cent of those with
heathland. These percentages are expected to have declined approximately
to 20 and 40 per cent by 2010. As
for ozone, the situation in the UK is similar to that in large parts of
the European continent - with levels continuing to exceed the thresholds
for damage to vegetation and human health. Since the mid-1980s there has
however been a distinct decline in peak episodic concentrations, a process
that is expected to continue as a result of strategies for the abatement
of emissions both in North America and western Europe. At
the same time the mean, so-called background concentrations have however
continued to increase. Evaluations of historical measurements indicate
that the annual mean concentrations have more than doubled in Europe since
the early 1900s, from 10-15 ppb to about 30 ppb. Studies have moreover
shown this increase to be consistent with known changes in man-made
emissions of the ozone precursors nox,
methane (ch4),
and carbon monoxide (co).
While the emissions of these pollutants are on the way down in western
Europe, increases in eastern Europe and Asia are expected to cause the
annual mean concentrations to go on risng in Europe generally for a long
time to come. Computer model runs for the years 2030, 2060, and 2100 show
a steady rise in concentrations over the next century, with a considerable
expansion of areas with levels exceeding 60 ppb. In conclusion it may be said that ecological problems arising from air pollution are common to large areas of Europe. While emissions and depositions of sulphur have declined substantially over the last few decades, those of nitrogen compounds have changed very little. In continental Europe, as well as in the uk, nitrogen deposition and elevated concentrations of ozone constituite the major ecological problems from air pollution. Although the European emissions of the ozone precursors and nitrogen are expected to have come down by 2010, there will still be a widespread exceeding of critical loads and levels. Christer Ågren 1 Transboundary air pollution: acidification, eutrophication and ground-level ozone in the UK (2001). Prepared by and available from the National Group on Transboundary Air Pollution on behalf of the UK Department for Environment, Food and Rural Affairs (DEFRA). While primarily dealing with the UK, the report also includes copious data from other countries, as well as glances at the situation in Europe as a whole.
Rapid
growth may lead to doubling of emissions
Between 1980 and 1995 China's gross domestic product rose on an average by 9.4 per cent yearly. The demand, for electricity doubled between 1986 and 1995, the increase occurring mostly in the cities, where it amounted to 16.5 per cent a year from 1986 to 1993. Out in the country it was only 2 per cent. In the cities the rise was mainly due to increasing household affluence, allowing people to spend money on such things as washing machines, tv sets, refrigerators, air conditioning, and electrical gadgets generally. Between 1986 and 1993 sales of washing machines and TVs increased by 80 per cent. Yet all the time 100 million Chinese in rural areas were still without electricity. Due largely to increased car ownership, oil consumption will be likely to have risen by 80 per cent in 2010, according to a Shell forecast. Today there are no more than 3.2 cars per thousand of population in China - less than in India, and 200 times less than in the US. Carbon dioxide emissions
Recent statistics from the International Energy Agency show China's emissions of carbon dioxide to have peaked in 1996, when they amounted to 3.2 billion tons. Although they have since declined year by year, which is of course all to the good, that will hardly affect the long-term trend in emissions generally. According to Jonathan Pershing, head of the Energy and Environment Division of the International Energy Agency, this drop in the emissions of carbon dioxide can be ascribed to several factors, among them being the closure of illegal coal mines, change in the quality of the coal that is being burned, and a strong switch to gas. It may also be that coal use is now being calculated differently. From the point of view of climate, the innumerable coal fires are of special significance. Some 100 to 200 million tons of coal go up in smoke every year as a result of spontaneous combustion. That is five to ten times as much as China exports. Since many of the fires occur in isolated desert and mountain regions, too, they are often not immediately noticed. Foreign analysts have often questioned the reliability of Chinese statistics. There is for instance uncertainty as to the number of coal mines that are actually being shut down, as well as to the rate at which the switch from coal to gas is proceeding in the larger cities. Nevertheless there can be no doubt that China is the world's largest producer and consumer of coal. Although coal is firmly established as the chief source of energy in China, there are possibilities for diversification and even eagerness to seize them, according to Joakim Nordqvist, who is working on a doctorate at Lund technical university. He is studying the ways in which improved energy efficiency and reduced emissions of greenhouse gases can best be promoted in China's process of industrial development. He thinks China has great possibilities for increasing its production of energy from renewable sources. In rural areas biomass from farm residues could, he says, easily compete with coal. There are enormous amounts available, and it has always been used, albeit ineffectively, for domestic heating and cooking. He also notes a rapid expansion of wind power, with big projects proposed for Inner Mongolia and Xinjiang. Even as early as the mid-nineties, China had installed 50 MW of wind power. A government plan for the development of renewable energy has been set for the period from 1996 to 2010. But according to the Dutch NPR during the next couple of decades most of the alternative energies will cost more than coal. It seems therefore most unlikely that that market forces alone will suffice to bring about an increase in the use of "green" energy. Any real advances will need action by the Chinese government in company with foreign partners. Today natural gas accounts for no more than 2.5 to 3 per cent of the country's energy. At the present rate of consumption China's reserves should last for 70-120 years. A great part of them lies in the Tarim region of western China, and cooperation is now being sought with foreign firms to build pipelines from the western parts of the country to the east coast. There are also plans for importing gas from Russia and Kazakhstan, which would however call for enormous investments in infrastructure. China still only accounts for 1 per cent of world consumption of natural gas. The NRP opines that the best chances China has of reducing its emissions of carbon dioxide will lie in improvement of the use of energy in the various sectors. After passing a law on energy saving in 1998, in 2000 the government stepped out on an entirely new policy for the promotion of combined heat-and-power. The forces working most for greater efficiency in the use of energy in China are economic reform and the need to cut down on air pollution locally. Standing in the way of a better use of energy is however, according to NRP, the all-too-low price of electricity in China. Climate policy
Despite having formed a national committee on climate in 1990, and ratifying the climate convention early in 1993, China still shows no signs of taking up the matter of climate on a broad political basis. The debate continues to be dominated by local environmental problems such as untreated sewage and unhealthy air. A poll carried out by the Asian development bank a couple of years ago revealed the matter of climate to come tenth among the most pressing environmental issues even for those actively engaged for such matters. During international negotiations China has repeatedly emphasized that attention to climate cannot be a priority for developing nations -maintaining that it must rest on the industrialized countries to take the first steps to cut back emissions. "China does not intend," says Joakim Nordqvist, "to take any responsibility for climate matters until the industrialized countries, which are responsible for the overwhelmingly greater part of the accumulated, historical emissions of greenhouse gases, show themselves prepared to shoulder responsibility by taking concrete measures." As Bo Kjellén, who headed the Swedish delegation at international meetings from 1992 to 2001, has noted: China's participation in the negotiations has been distinguished by close collaboration with other developing countries in the so-called G77 group. At times it has been the most vigorous exponent of the view that binding commitments to reduce greenhouse gas emissions should only be required of the industrialized countries. Kjellén goes on to say that up to the Kyoto meeting of 1997, China often took a distinct "anti-colonialist" attitude, but has since toned down the rhetoric. At the conferences in Bonn and Marrakech in 2001, it appeared to wish to be genuinely constructive. China supports the Kyoto protocol and wants to see it come into force as soon as possible. Its environmental protection agency sees a chance for China to reduce its emissions of greenhouse gases in an economically advantageous manner in the protocol's Clean Development Mechanism, which allows industrialized countries to fulfil part of their quotas by giving support to climate projects in developing countries. China states blankly that it cannot make any binding commitments before it has attained "medium status" as regards economic development - which it considers impossible before 2020. But according to the NRP, in the view of some experts on the Chinese situation it is more likely to be 2040 or 2050. Magnus Andersson Source: An Asian Dilemma (2002). NRP, the Dutch National Research Programme on Global Air Pollution and. Climate Change.
Figure 1. Chinese energy production by fuel 1980-2015 (quadrillion British Thermal units, Btu). Source: Energy Information Administration, International Energy Outlook 1997 (www.eia.doe.gov) Figure 2. Energy intensity 1970-2015, China and USA, thousand Btu per GDP dollar. Source: Energy Information Administration, International Energy Outlook 1997.
Environmentalists rage over Bush's "Clear Skies" planIn February President George W. Bush presented his plan for curbing US emissions of greenhouse gases and other air pollutants. The proposal has been described by the White House as "the most aggressive initiative in American history to cut power plant emissions, as well as a bold new strategy for addressing global climate change." It has nevertheless met with widespread criticism both from governments in other countries and environmentalist organizations everywhere. Bush's proposal consists of two main parts, the one being the Clear Skies Initiative aimed at cutting the emissions of sulphur dioxide, nitrogen oxides, and mercury from power plants by 70 per cent by 2018, from today's levels, and the other a strategy for reducing greenhouse-gas intensity by 18 per cent over the next ten years. The latter, according to the White House, is intended to slow the growth of greenhouse-gas emissions. Greenhouse gas intensity is the ratio of emissions to economic output, expressed in terms of gdp. Today US power plants are responsible for about two-thirds of emissions of sulphur, a good third of those of mercury, and a quarter of the nitrogen oxides (see box below). If emissions from other sources should remain constant over the next sixteen years, the country's total emissions of SO2 should drop by about a half as a result of the Bush plan, those of mercury by a quarter, and NOx by a sixth. It is intended that reductions shall be achieved in two stages by a so-called cap-and-trade program, with 2010 and 2018 as the target years. The program can be regarded as a continuation and extension of the Acid Rain Program accompanying the Clean Air Act of 1990. Between 1990 and 2000 emissions of SO2 from power plants came down by some 30 per cent as a result of Phase 1 of that program - from 15.7 to 11.2 million tons a year. The us total shrank by 20 per cent. During the same period EU emission's of sulphur had come down by about 60 per cent. While the US had increased its emissions of nitrogen oxides by 5 per cent, or 1.7 million tons, between 1990 and 1999, the fifteen EU countries had brought theirs down by 25 per cent. See figures below.
Figure 1. US and EU emissions of SO2 and NOx (millions of tons)1980-1999, with projections for 2010. Source: EMEP MSC-W Note 1/01.
American environmentalists' response to Bush's air pollution plan was scathing. The Clean Air Trust called it a "cynical PR ploy to distract public attention away from roll-backs of existing Clean Air Act requirements." Prank O'Donnell, executive director of the Trust, said it "could also be called the Ghost of Enron, "because it is virtually identical with a scheme that Enron lobbied before the company imploded." He noted that the plan would permit more air pollution in the future than strict enforcement of the current Clean Air Act would. Less than a week after publication of the Bush plan, the Natural Resources Defense Council (NRDC) issued a press release in which it made public previously undisclosed Environmental Protection Agency documents which according to the NRDC reveal ways in which the Bush administration is scheming to undermine federal air-pollution standards. "These documents show in black-and-white how Bush political appointees at EPAARE trying to cripple the Clean Air Act," said John Waike, director of NRDC's Air Program. "More than 30,000 Americans die every year from power plant pollution alone, and weakening of the standards would," he said,"only make things worse." The way in which it is proposed to limit greenhouse-gas emissions has also met with heavy criticism. According to Environment Defense, the Bush administration´s "greenhouse gas intensity policy" contains no new plan, no new requirement, and no new strategy whatsoever that could bring about changes from the current us trend of of steadily increasing greenhouse-gas emissions. Criticism has also been forthcoming from outside the US. The official EU attitude was made public on February 20 in the form of a common statement by environment commissioner Margot Wallström and the Spanish environment minister Jaume Matas, in which they emphasize that "the Climate Change Convention of 1992, to which the US is a party, requires industrialized countries to stabilize their greenhouse gas emissions at 1990 levels. Achieving this would only be a first step towards stabilizing global greenhouse gas concentrations at a level that would prevent dangerous climate change. This is the ultimate objective of the Convention to which the us has subscribed." Scrutinizing developments in the us, they note further: "Over the past years greenhouse gas emissions intensity in relation to GDP has been falling in the us. The Bush plan is based on a prolongation of this trend, thereby in effect foreseeing little more than business-as-usual." Current emission projections for the us indicate an increase of 39 per cent above 1990 levels in 2012. While the intensity improvements may reduce this to around 33 per cent, that is still a very substantial increase in absolute emissions." They add that the EU is concerned about the purely voluntary nature of the actions proposed, and that a review of the effectiveness of the measures will, moreover, not take place before 2012. Christer Ågren For more information: The White House, Natural Resources Defense Council, Clean Air Trust, Environmental Defense
Could possibly cover a quarter of world need
Within twenty years electricity for a billion people could come from solar cells. Their manufacture and installation is already a billion dollar business, and if the market continues to grow at the present rate (at about 30 per cent a year), by 2020 we should be obtaining 276 TWh a year from solar cells. The industry would then be employing 2.3 million people, have an investment value of us$75 billion a year and bring the cost of solar modules down to 1 dollar per watt delivered. This scenario is presented in a report from Greenpeace international and the European Photovoltaic Industry Association.1 Sven Teske, Greenpeace expert in energy matters, emphasizes however that such a development will not come about of itself, saying that it is a realistic, achievable goal, but requiring clear political support from governments around the world. He adds"In particular the European Commission must ensure that innovative national incentive schemes for solar electricity are not invalidated on competition grounds." Japan and Germany are mentioned as countries with determined policies involving far-reaching support for the expansion of solar power. Also pointed out is the importance of clearing away regulatory barriers hindering solar power, as well as the subsidies to fossil and nuclear fuels that now put energy from renewable sources at a disadvantage. Per Elvingson 1 Solar generation. Available at www.greenpeace.org. Experts outline global motor vehicle policy
An international regulatory system that would force manufacturers to employ the best techniques and comply with the most stringent emission standards would not only spare the environment but also money.
A set of rules that will be applicable everywhere is needed if motor vehicle manufacturers and associated businesses are to be made to adopt the best techniques and adhere to the strictest standards concerning emissions anywhere. Although operating on a worldwide scale, the auto and oil industries are having to meet greatly differing regulations even in their chief markets. They are having to spend billions of dollars in designing products to suit different regulatory systems. Consequently hundreds of millions of people are getting no gain from the best ones there are for reducing pollution and cutting the waste of energy. In order to penetrate these problems further, some leading experts in techniques and public policies for motor vehicles met last summer at Bellagio, Italy, with the intention of defining the principles for a single global policy on motor vehicles and fuels. Arranged by The Energy Foundation 1, the meeting culminated in 43 recommendations, representing a consensus of the views of eighteen experts from Japan, China, the United States, and the EU countries2. An ever growing number of vehicles the world over is threatening to nullify the considerable advances made in many places to cut down the emissions from motor vehicles. It will be crucial, for stabilizing the atmospheric concentrations of greenhouse gases, to reduce emissions from the transportation sector - which is now accountable for 26 per cent of the global carbon emissions. The International Energy Agency projects that the transport sector emissions will rise by 75 per cent between 1997 and 2020. A similar trend is foreseen for all air pollutants. And unless vigorous controls are applied, emissions from road vehicles in non-OECD countries are projected to be three to six times higher in 2030 than they were in 1990. According to the Bellagio experts, there are good technical possibilities for averting such a development. In many of the industrialized countries new cars are now certified to emit less than 10 per cent of the pollutants that used to come out of vehicles without catalyzers. The group summarized its 43 recommendations in just eight broad ones for policymakers, saying they should: 1. Design programs and policies so as to reduce toxics and noise as well as other types of pollution, including greenhouse gases, in parallel, and ensure that future technologies will provide major improvements in each case. 2. Base policies explicitly on performance in relation to societal objectives, without any special consideration to specific fuels, technologies, or vehicle types. 3. Developing as well as industrialized countries should expect and require use of the best technologies that are available anywhere. It will neither be necessary nor cost-effective for developing countries to follow exactly in the footsteps of the industrialized ones when trying to make improvements. 4. Use combinations of economic instruments and regulatory requirements and make related policies complementary. 5. Make policies treat vehicles and fuels as a single system, and move towards standards taking consideration of life-cycle emissions - from the production, distribution, and disposal both of vehicles and fuels. 6. Use more realistic and representative test procedures, greater manufacturer accountability, improved inspection and maintenance programs, on-board monitoring and diagnostics, retrofit and scrappage programs as means of preventing high emissions from vehicles when they have come into use. 7. Consider the cost-effectiveness of imminent measures as well as the market potential for future technologies. 8. Work across jurisdictions, national and international, in order to strengthen programs and give cohesive signals to the affected industries. Among actual measures considered most urgent by the Bellagio group was one for an immediate stop to leaded petrol and the introduction of a near-zero limit (10 ppm) for sulphur in all fuels except residual bunker oils. Roger Olsson 1 The Energy Foundation is a partnership of major US foundations interested in sustainable energy. It was launched in 1991 by The MacArthur Foundation, The Pew Charitable Trusts, and The Rockefeller Foundation. 2 Bellagio memorandum on Motor Vehicle Policy. Principles for vehicles and fuels in response to global environmental and health imperatives. Can be downloaded from The Energy Foundation. EU emission standards for car emissions 1984-2010. Projected trends in the emissions from road vehicles worldwide 1990 - 2030. Source: Michael Walsh.
|
|||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
|










